Context
cannot excuse her, even though she uttered that gaffe in response to an
intentionally provocative question: What would she do, as president, if the
Iranian regime ever strikes Israel with nuclear weapons? First she could have
noted that the question's premise is wrong, at least according to the most
recent National Intelligence Estimate, which found that Iran neither possesses
nuclear arms nor is likely to acquire them anytime soon. Then she might have
answered as all presidents (or aspiring presidents) should when asked about
such hypothetical military scenarios: "Our adversaries know very well that
we have the power and the resolve to respond if one of our closest allies is
attacked."
Alluding
to the potential use of justified force is far smarter than blustering about an
act of genocidal brutality. So why wasn't that distinction obvious to Clinton?
There are only two likely reasons, neither of which reflects well on her.
It
is possible that she believes martial bluster will make her sound more like
John McCain, the Republican presidential candidate whose macabre refrain of
"bomb, bomb Iran" still echoes around the world. It is also possible
that she truly believes threats of genocide are the best deterrent to Iranian
misbehavior, as she told George Stephanopoulos last Sunday on ABC's "This
Week."
Instead
of clarifying or muting her aggressive blunder, she reiterated it, leaving
transcripts that can be stripped of all qualification to make her sound still
more bloodthirsty. "I want the Iranians to know that if I'm the president,
we will attack Iran. And I want them to understand that. … I think we have to
be very clear about what we would do."
How Far Will She Go?
Of
course, opportunism is the political offense most often charged against
Clinton. Should she ever return to the White House, we will probably be more
secure and prosperous, as long as her belligerence toward Iran is mere campaign
posturing. On other occasions she has advocated greater engagement with Iran,
and that is certainly the view of her wisest advisers, so perhaps this is all
wind without substance.
But
that again raises the question of how far she will go to win, regardless of the
damage she inflicts upon herself, her party and even her nation's interests.
Her remarks gave Tehran an easy chance to seize the moral initiative, which
they instantly exploited by denouncing Clinton's comments in a public letter to
U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as "provocative, unwarranted and
irresponsible" and a violation of the U.N. Charter.
Evidently,
the Iranian complaint won at least a modicum of sympathy, because the secretary
general's spokesman later said that if Clinton "becomes president and she
keeps saying that, then we'll have to react."
Were
we not so inured to the most savage rhetoric by now, it might be considered
ironic for a presidential candidate to endorse such a monumental crime against
humanity in defense of the Jewish state. Does Clinton not understand the
difference between the mullahs' regime and the people of Iran? Does her notion
of military strategy contemplate the incineration of millions of innocents?
And
most pertinently, does she think her threats will convince the Iranians to
empower the liberal reformers in Tehran rather than the reactionary extremists?
The
Iran experts chosen by Clinton to counsel her campaign think not. Their
well-informed and not terribly surprising assessment is that when we talk about
wiping out Iran, the mullahs feel a more urgent need for nuclear weapons (and a
stronger impulse to drive us out of the region). She has brushed off their
analysis, just as she disdains the consensus of economists against the gas tax
holiday advocated by her and McCain.
Voters
who might consider supporting her have confronted this Clinton conundrum more
than once. Does she believe what she is saying, or is she saying what she
believes we want to hear? Which is worse?
Copyright 2008 Creators
Syndicate Inc.
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